The American effort to achieve anything in Afghanistan has reached a point of darkly humorous failure. The country is called “the Graveyard of Empires,” and for a good reason. In the face of this reality, American goals in the country have shifted again and again from “ensuring stable, democratic government” to “simply defeating Al-Qaeda and leaving nation-building to the Afghanis” in a farcical attempt to justify our presence there.
When you get on an airplane, where does the biggest threat come from? From the mumbling, abnormally stiff gentleman to your right who requests seat belt extensions? Perhaps it comes from the bearded fellow with the exotic name. Maybe it comes from a crying infant who threatens your sleep, or a flight attendant whom you nagged incessantly and now wants to poison your food! Actually, the biggest problem with air travel can sometimes be the pilots themselves.
Pakistan doesn’t have much cultural currency in the West. When most Americans think of the culture of the Indian subcontinent they think of India. America is missing out on sophisticated and enjoyable works of art. Pakistan’s exportable cultural output is a mixed bag; gems are buried underneath pathetic attempts to copy Indian and/or American artists. Thanks to religious fanaticism and financial issues, Pakistani culture is sliding down the slippery slope to destruction. The country isn’t completely devoid of an art scene, but it is, unfortunately, a very small scene. Can it survive as the country inches further away from stability everyday?
Last week, the Obama administration hosted Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari in Foggy Bottom, a neighborhood in Washington, D.C., for talks and friendship-building fun-tivities. Usually, the mutual failure to deal with the Taliban and its associates is a source of tension between the two countries. But on this trip, Pakistan could not deny that it was the primary architect of its latest problems. Luckily, the solution lies within as well.
Little Gaza, an ethnic enclave centered around Brookhurst Street in Anaheim that is home to thousands of Palestinian-Americans, has quite a few restaurants to offer, and one of the best things about it is that one doesn't have to be too adventurous to try the food; most Middle Eastern places like to serve kabobs, and who doesn't like a kabob?
Anyone writing about restaurants for this paper would be remiss if they failed to recognize the fact that UC Irvine is situated within poking distance of gastronomical greatness.
Ever since he took office, President Barack Obama has been understandably preoccupied with attempting to mitigate the economic recession. With respect to foreign policy, Obama's overused mantra of "Change" actually seemed to mean something concrete; he talked about ending torture, rebuilding America's soft power and speaking to countries with whom America has no diplomatic relations. In examining Obama's foreign policy thus far, especially in the Middle East, it is important to consider whether or not his decisions have meaningfully changed America's course.
As noted in last week's article entitled "Re-evaluating the Iran Threat," it is unlikely that Iran is building a nuclear weapon. However, even if it does, an Iranian nuke would not be the threat to international security that many politicians and analysts suspect. However, the majority in this country seems to feel the opposite way, including President-elect Obama, for whom Iran's nuclear program is presumably a top priority.
During the presidential campaigns, Iran's nuclear program was one of the most important issues raised. It is widely accepted that Iran's acquisition of a nuclear warhead would be doomsday, but the fear exhibited may be unwarranted. First off, Iran may not possess a nuclear weapons program, but even if it did, it would pose far less danger than it is claimed to be capable of.
It does not take a leap of faith to realize that the United States is not achieving its goals in Afghanistan. The Afghan government has little reach outside of Kabul and for the most part, life has not improved since 2001. The tacit protection the Taliban receives on the Pakistani side of the Durand Line has been the chief impediment to nation-building efforts in Afghanistan. The view that Pakistan is the weak link in the chain has gained strong ground in academic circles and is now widely held by Western policymakers.
